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Scan for outdated or missing drivers - takes under a minuteDriver Scan →Repair Windows errors before they cause bigger problemsFix Now →Some online creators combine manosphere ideas about gender and power with religious language to police women’s clothing, conduct, and public presence. Reporting and research document that pattern in particular online spaces—not among Muslims or Muslim men generally—and show why religious expression must be distinguished from using claimed religious authority to legitimize misogyny, harassment, or surveillance.
What does “Muslim manosphere” mean?
The manosphere is an umbrella term for overlapping online subcultures, including incels, pick-up artists, men’s rights activists, and Red Pill followers. In the spaces described by WIRED Middle East, some creators adapt parts of this wider gender politics to religious language and forms of dawah, or religious outreach. “Akhi-Right” and “Alt-Wallah” are labels used by some researchers and critics, not universally accepted names for a single movement.
The distinction matters: this is a description of particular creators and online behavior, not of Islam, Muslim men, or religious outreach as a whole. The report characterizes Arabic-speaking content as adapting ideas to local concerns about religion, masculinity, marriage, money, and social change—not simply translating Western Red Pill material.
How are women policed online?
Unsolicited rules about appearance and behavior
WIRED Middle East reported the account of Mariam, a regional Facebook group administrator identified only by her first name because she feared online retaliation. She said strangers and influencers sent instructions about what she should wear and how she should behave. Some presented themselves as religious advisers; others sent explicitly sexual messages. Among the directives she described were not to raise her voice or wear makeup, and to cover her hands.
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Her account points to a contradiction: women can be told to make themselves less visible while also receiving sexual attention. It is one person’s reported experience, not evidence that all Muslim women encounter the same treatment or that men generally behave this way.
Public moral scrutiny and claims about power
The WIRED report also describes creators who cast relationships between men and women as contests for power. It discusses content that presents violence as a way to “discipline” women or retaliate against sexual rejection. These are descriptions of material examined by WIRED and a cited researcher; they should not be mistaken for representative Islamic teaching.
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WIRED said it contacted Ali Dawah, Mohammed Hijab, and Kareem Atta’i for comment, and that none responded by publication. That reporting detail does not establish that any person named committed a specific act beyond what the article describes.
What do the Jordan Instagram figures show?
An Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD) study published in 2026 analyzed nearly 14,000 comments directed at 40 prominent public figures and influencers on Instagram in Jordan over a 12-month period. WIRED Middle East reported these findings from that study:
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| Finding | What the study reported | Scope |
|---|---|---|
| Target of comments classified as hate speech, harassment, or abusive language | 72% targeted women | Share of comments in those categories in the selected sample; ISD examined comments on prominent accounts and their most highly engaged posts. |
| Sexual harassment | 9% of all analyzed comments | Those comments targeted women. |
| Religious or moral harassment | 11% of comments; 85% of this category targeted female influencers | Comments in the selected sample, not all activity on Instagram in Jordan. |
These figures describe comments in a deliberately selected, high-visibility sample. They are not prevalence estimates for all Jordanian Instagram users, all people in Jordan, or all Muslims. ISD’s report also describes broader patterns in which women were more likely than men to receive sexualized abuse, ridicule focused on their bodies, and accusations of exploiting their appearance.
How does this compare with research on modesty policing elsewhere?
Inaash Islam’s peer-reviewed study, first published on 3 December 2025 and included in a 2026 journal issue, examined Muslimah influencers based in the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom. It drew on interviews with 14 influencers and a survey of 188 self-identified followers. Participants described policing by followers, peers in modest fashion, and sometimes family members over piety, coverage, and sexualization.
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The study also describes participants using Islamic feminist ijtihad—critical reasoning—to negotiate these judgments, including by presenting aesthetic work as dawah. This research helps explain how modesty expectations can be contested in influencer culture, but it is not a study of the Arabic manosphere. Its locations, participants, and methods differ from the Jordan comment analysis and WIRED’s reporting; the findings should not be collapsed into one universal account.
A separate UK House of Commons Women and Equalities Committee report, published on 30 January 2026, provides broader policy context on discrimination, harassment, and abuse against Muslim women. It notes underreporting and gaps in official data about the combined roles of religion, ethnicity, and sex. It is not a measurement of Muslim manosphere activity. The committee concluded: “There needs to be a cultural shift in how Muslim women are portrayed in the media and online.”
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Can recommendation systems spread this content?
WIRED reports feminist researcher Sarah Kaddoura’s argument that men may quickly be recommended misogynistic material on several platforms, while explicitly noting that it did not independently test the claim. Kaddoura described an earlier generation of religious-media figures as “the original Dawah Bros who used television,” adding, “Today, they use social media and online platforms.”
Monash Lens offers broader context: engagement-based systems can learn from user behavior and promote material likely to attract attention. Its analysis argues that this can help masculinity-influencer content move into ordinary feeds. That is a plausible circulation mechanism, not proof that every male user receives such content, or that exposure causes a particular belief or behavior.
What remains unknown?
- How many people consume Arabic manosphere content, and who they are.
- How audiences encounter it, including the role of recommendations compared with deliberate searches or sharing.
- Whether repeated exposure changes attitudes or behavior.
As Kaddoura put it in WIRED Middle East, “We don’t have that kind of data yet in the region.” The available evidence documents content, reported experiences, and selected patterns of abuse; it does not establish audience-wide effects or a single pathway from exposure to conduct.
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