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For a Just Republic: Partha Chatterjee on the Indias Within India

Partha Chatterjee’s For a Just Republic examines how justice might work across India’s diverse federal republic, distinguishing the nation-state from the communities and political forces he calls the people-nation.
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In For a Just Republic: The People of India and the State, Partha Chatterjee asks how justice can be pursued across India’s diverse federal republic without treating its people, regions, and political histories as uniform. His central distinction is between the formal nation-state and the “people-nation”: communities shaped by regional histories, vernacular languages, place, and collective political life.

What does “the Indias within India” mean?

The title’s plural idea points to Chatterjee’s effort to examine India not as a single, socially seamless national community, but as a republic containing distinct regional and linguistic histories and forms of collective politics. The book’s key analytic move is to distinguish the nation-state—the institutions and formal structures of the republic—from the “people-nation,” the communities and political forces that make up its lived social landscape. The terms are related, but they are not interchangeable.

That distinction frames the book’s larger question: what might justice mean at different levels of the federal republic, and which social forces could help bring it about? Rosalind O’Hanlon presents this as the central question in her review; it is her framing of Chatterjee’s project, not a verified quotation from the author.

How does the book develop its argument?

Columbia University Press organizes the book into a preface and nine chapters, grouped under “The Nation-State” and “The People-Nation.” The sequence moves from the relationship between those concepts to the limits of liberal government, capital accumulation, Indian citizenship, and the distinction between procedural and substantive justice. It then turns to federation, minority rights, regional distributions of power, and justice across class, caste, and gender.

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This structure connects the contemporary republic to the history of politics and economic change after independence. Rather than treating justice as a matter of rules and institutions alone, the book asks how formal protections relate to material inequality and the social forces that shape political life.

Why does Chatterjee foreground federalism?

In O’Hanlon’s account of the argument, federalism is not merely an administrative arrangement. It is a way to recognize the political weight of regional and linguistic communities and to accommodate shifting social forces within the republic. She summarizes Chatterjee as viewing coalition politics as a possible means of accommodation, helping prevent one region from imposing its will on others. This is the reviewer’s description of the book’s argument, not an uncontested account of Indian politics.

O’Hanlon also describes Chatterjee’s analysis of uneven regional development through categories including “core growth” regions, “zones of extraction,” and “zones of labour supply.” These are labels in the review’s account of the book’s analysis, not a current empirical classification of Indian regions.

What kinds of justice does the book consider?

The book places procedural justice—fair processes and protections—alongside substantive justice, which concerns the actual distribution of power and social and economic conditions. Its chapters on citizenship and minority rights bring questions of formal membership and protection into view; its treatment of class, caste, and gender asks how justice relates to persistent inequalities. The federal focus adds another scale: how power and political accommodation are shared among regions as well as within them.

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These questions bring several tensions into focus: state institutions and popular political life; individual protections and collective claims; central authority and federal accommodation; and formal fairness and material equality. The book’s architecture makes those tensions part of one inquiry rather than separate subjects.

What questions remain open in the review?

O’Hanlon raises questions about the reach and implications of the people-nation framework. She asks whether the historical spread and privileging of some vernacular print cultures may have marginalized other languages, and how the model would engage Hindi-speaking states and their large populations. These are questions the reviewer poses about the argument, not settled defects or answers attributed to Chatterjee.

Publication details and editions

Columbia University Press lists its edition for May 2026 at 496 pages, with hardcover, paperback, and e-book formats. JSTOR records the Columbia University Press book with a 2026 copyright date. A separate Indian listing from Permanent Black and Ashoka University gives 483 pages for its edition. These are edition- and market-specific records, not competing page counts for one universal edition.

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How the book has been received

O’Hanlon, Professor Emeritus of Indian History and Culture at the University of Oxford and a Fellow of the British Academy, praises the book’s breadth and analytical focus. She concludes: “It combines huge breadth, striking analytical sharpness and a sustained focus on an absolutely key question in the politics of modern India and federal states across the world.” This is one reviewer’s judgment, not evidence of scholarly consensus. Read O’Hanlon’s review at Scroll.in.

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